The Domestic Sources of China's Foreign Policy: Regimes, Leadership, Priorities and Process by Lai Hongyi

Author:Lai Hongyi [Hongyi, Lai]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: International Relations, Ethnic Studies, Economic Conditions, Social Science, Political Science, World, Business & Economics, Asian, Regional Studies, General
ISBN: 9781135167882
Google: YCeMAgAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 17577453
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2010-04-28T00:00:00+00:00

Bypassing the bureaucracy and other institutions

Little evidence indicated that the bureaucracy or other institutions played a key role in the 1999 WTO talks. The Chinese bureaucracy was, by and large, excluded from the policy making process. That is why, as noted above, six ministries of the State Council complained about not being consulted before Zhu made the concessions on his trip to the US in April 1999. It was estimated that agriculture, machinery, high-tech electronics, automobiles, telecommunications, and financial institutions would stand to lose from an influx of competitive foreign products in the short-run in the wake of China’s WTO membership.61 Understandably, these sectors and their governmental representatives would feverishly oppose the WTO membership.

Meanwhile, the political institutions in charge of national security might also be alarmed to see a greater influx of foreign goods and influence. In mid-April, during Zhu’s visit to the US, participants at a military-sponsored seminar on the accession to the WTO concluded: Western countries carried out financial pillage and sowed the seeds for crises in the name of financial liberalization; as a result, international competition might enable China’s economy to develop faster and more effectively, yet might also exert unbearable shocks and pressures.62 It was reported the Ministry of State Security, a stronghold of hardliners, urged President Jiang Zemin to take tough measures in retaliation of the bombing incident, including recalling the Chinese ambassador and sending the US ambassador home. But Jiang, eager to maintain a normal China–US tie, refused. Leftists such as ex-propaganda chief Deng Liqun, who still believed in the command economy, and radical nationalists, including some generals, shared this strong anti-US view.63

As the top leaders imposed restrictions on the media, industrial ministries, the security institutions, and the leftists or hardline nationalists could not publicly voice their opinions on the media. Therefore, they had to pick the opportunities, such as Zhu’s setback on his trip to the US and the bombing of the embassy, to attract an audience and reduce their political risks. In addition, the opposition could only voice their concerns without coordination, through complaints, at un- or semi-official meetings and private exchanges, on low-profile publications, or through rumors. Some of the six ministries representing the above-discussed sectors that stood to lose from foreign competition complained about Zhu’s April concessions. Predictably, these ministries, along with the security agencies and the fervent nationalists, were among the loudest critics of Zhu after the bombing incident.

These opposition forces were successful in delaying but not derailing the WTO talks. Immediately after the bombing incident, Zhu and Jiang were put on the defensive on their WTO deal with the US. By September, however, Jiang and Zhu had regained the upper hand, ignored and quieted the dissenting groups, and went ahead with the WTO negotiations.

In addition to the Chinese leadership’s commitment and secretive approach, several other factors also helped the conclusion of the agreement. One included the rigorous lobbying by US businesses, and the others included Clinton’s and the Congress’s support, as well as the enormous efforts of the Chinese and the US negotiating teams.

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